More then a year on from the overwhelming vote for independence from Indonesia, East Timor remains volatile and vulnerable. But, as Nicola Dahrendorf explains, the slow process of rebuilding is underway.

Killings of UN peacekeepers; attacks from pro-Indonesian militia groups; the brutal murder of UNHCR civilian staff in West Timor, and the consequent withdrawal of the UN from the refugee camps, leaving thousands without any protection or humanitarian support – violence has once again focused international attention on East Timor. However, within the country itself, initiatives are gradually being put in place to reconstruct physical structures and institutions of government, and attempt to rebuild this fractured society.

After the referendum

In the historic referendum of August 1999, more than 80 per cent of the East Timorese people voted for independence from Indonesia, ending a quarter of a century of occupation. Immediately after the result was announced, militia groups loyal to the Jakarta regime unleashed a wave of terror. The brutal and systematic destruction and violence left thousands dead, injured or forced to flee their homes – over 200,000 took refuge across the border in West Timor.

As the Indonesian forces withdrew, a UN peacekeeping force moved in, and the UN Transitional Administration (UNTAET) took control of East Timor until elections could be organised – the first time the UN has taken responsibility for managing a state. So how have things changed, more than a year later? Some refugees have returned, but there are still an estimated 100,000 waiting in Indonesian-controlled West Timor. Some reconstruction has been attempted in the capital Dili, but it remains largely a collection of ruins. And it will take a generation or so to rebuild the country’s human skills base, another consequence of the violence and political upheaval.

Challenges

The economy

The challenges facing East Timor are multifaceted and interlinked: revitalising the economy and the agricultural sector; physical reconstruction; establishing new institutions and rebuilding old ones; introducing a functioning criminal justice system, and finding ways of dealing with fundamental issues of justice and reconciliation in this devastated society.

East Timor is one of the poorest countries in the world, with many of its people living in extreme poverty. The events of 1999 made the economic situation considerably worse, with gross domestic product (GDP) dropping by an estimated 25-50 per cent. Even if East Timor could achieve and sustain a predicted GDP of at least $300m over the next three years, it would still be an extremely poor country. Much of this poverty is currently hidden by a ‘false economy’ – as in many other peacekeeping operations – created by the influx of the international humanitarian industry, consisting primarily of UN and NGO officials and country representatives, and largely concentrated in the capital Dili.

In order to lay the groundwork for real and sustainable economic growth, trade needs to be revived, employment created, and a skills base trained up throughout the country.

Agriculture

The UN had achieved some progress with the alleviation of the humanitarian emergency. But there is a fear that, given East Timor’s propensity to suffer from periodic El Niño-induced drought, another emergency may be looming next year. This is pertinent, as some social anthropologists and agronomists are concerned that the agricultural sector has not as yet been revitalised. This poses a problem in a primarily subsistence economy, and could leave East Timor once again dependent on humanitarian aid just before its move to nationhood is completed.

Justice and reconciliation

Linked to the economy are far-reaching issues of governance, and the need for a culture of accountability and transparency. Justice and reconciliation are fundamental to rebuilding East Timorese society. A process which encourages reconciliation has to be set in motion which will address the problem of returning refugees from West Timor and also acknowledge the legacy of 25 years of abuse suffered by East Timor under Indonesian rule.

A proposal is currently being considered that will address this urgent issue of justice and reconciliation in dealing with refugees. It would also include a truth-seeking function that would aim to establish an official record of human rights abuse in East Timor in the mid-1970s. Truth, justice, reconciliation and return would therefore be interrelated aspects under a temporary, ad hoc and independent body: a Commission of Truth, Reconciliation and Return.

Reconciliation is widely understood in East Timor to refer to the reintegration of people from West Timor without sparking resentment, further violence or acts of revenge. Many thousands took part in the militia activity in September last year. Given the embryonic court system, and a lack of proper prison facilities, only a small proportion of those responsible could be tried. As in many other transitional countries where the criminal justice system is under-resourced, a large number of human rights trials are not possible, given the time and resources necessary to mount a credible prosecution.

Security

Basic security for individual East Timorese people is also a priority. The approach that will be taken to policing is important, in particular deciding the powers that should be given to the force, as well as developing a means to oversee policing functions and policy. A training academy has been established under the auspices of the UN Civilian Police to train the new East Timorese Police Force. Over 100 officers have graduated so far and have been dispatched into various districts.

The constitution

A vital aspect of East Timor’s reconstruction is the constitutional process that is currently underway. A broadly based constitutional commission is envisaged which will canvass opinion on a draft constitution in which UNTAET will play a consultative role. Elections for a constituent assembly in late 2001 will lead to the approval of a document sometime before the end of that year. In this context, it will be essential now that a process is established which ensures that the population is properly informed and consulted. This process is also an important opportunity to educate Timorese on their rights in general and encourage debate on many of these contentious matters of national interest in this fledgling state.

Language

An underdeveloped area in human rights is that of culture as a human right. East Timor has 12 different language and cultural groupings. The need to support and protect this ethnic and linguistic heritage must be an important goal in itself. It could also serve as an avenue to address some of the underlying tensions in East Timorese society.

This issue is attracting more attention, particularly over the question of a national language. There are generational as well as cultural divisions. The younger generation speaks Bahasa; some of the older speak Portuguese. Tetum is often referred to as the official East Timorese language, yet most people in rural areas speak their own regional language. At the same time English is assuming increasing importance, given the proximity and economic and political links with Australia, as well as East Timor’s inevitable future involvement with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.

Local politics

As in many countries, resources are heavily concentrated in the capital, Dili. UNTAET and most international players only operate to the district level. However, lower level local politics are fundamental to understanding the needs of social and economic reconstruction. Especially in addressing human rights and governance issues, a process needs to be established that includes local level consultations.

One way of illustrating the importance of the local level is the story of Falintil, the guerrilla group that fought against Indonesian occupation for some 25 years, and persisted despite enormous setbacks, reorganisation and massive casualties. Part of this group is now being gradually phased into a future defence force, while other members will be reintegrated into their communities.

One of the most troublesome features in the situation in East Timor is the existence
of clandestine security and intelligence networks associated with the Council of East Timorese Resistance (CNRT) and Falintil. These are a legacy of the past and were an essential element of Falintil’s survival and resistance to the Indonesian occupation.

In essence though parallel security structures exist. They were also created at a time when there was minimal law and order. The UN has now created an intelligence network through its peacekeeping force, in particular its positioning of military observers who gather, collate and provide an analysis of the situation. In addition the UN Civilian Police has a similar mandate with their community policing functions. However, the latter have been hampered in their task by logistical problems, lack of transport and interpreters. Yet both rely on Falintil’s intelligence networks to provide information. These clandestine networks continue to operate today without judicial or political oversight. Evidence links members of these networks to smuggling operations, theft and extortion rackets.

Falintil is in many ways a mirror of Timorese society. It could also be viewed as the only genuinely representative institution in the territory, being made up of soldiers from virtually every area and language group for ideological and strategic reasons. Its prestige is very high, especially in the countryside, where individual Falintil commanders are often called upon to intervene in disputes and reconcile opposing factions.

‘Timorisation’

UNTAET has been criticised for not involving the East Timorese people in the political process from its inception. After all, the argument goes, the objective of a transitional administration should be to render itself obsolete as quickly as possible.

It took some nine months for UNTAET to reorganise itself in such a way that it would resemble the future government of East Timor more closely. In December 1999, a 15-member National Consultative Council (NCC) was established with East Timorese membership, but all the main portfolios were in the hands of senior UNTAET officials. In July this year, a 33-member National Council (NC) was created to replace the NCC. All members are Timorese, appointed by the UN Transitional Administrator, with representation from districts, the CNRT and other parties, as well as the church, students, youth associations and NGOs. Of the eight portfolios created, four have been ‘entrusted’ to East Timorese, and four remain in the hands of UNTAET, although they will gradually devolve to East Timorese by the time of independence.

Rebuilding for independence

East Timor is located in a region of immense social diversity. In spite of a population of just 800,000, its own linguistic and cultural diversity reflects this larger regional pattern. Added to this is a range of religious differences that have sporadically ignited tensions among different ethnic groups. On a regional level, East Timor is faced with economic, social, political, military and environmental threats. Most pressing is the question of how Indonesia will resolve the issue of accountability of the military and their influence over the militia.

So an independent East Timor will have to find its place in a region that, since the Asian financial crisis, has faced the unaccustomed prospect of instability. Its relationship with a presently unstable Indonesia is fundamental to sustaining its economic and political progress internally. Within East Timor, it is faced with the need to find a way of addressing past wrongs and bringing those who perpetrated them to justice, while at the same time, rebuilding the institutions of government and repairing the very fabric of its society. But if its future as the world’s newest independent state is to be sustainable, meeting this complex challenge is the only way ahead.

Nicola Dahrendorf is Director of the Conflict Security and Development Group at the Centre for Defence Studies, King’s College, London.